Northumberland Archives

Eugene and Emma – An Intercontinental Love Story

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Eugene Sullivan was born in Bangalore, India in around 1833. His parents were British subjects, and his birth place suggests that his father may have held either military or governmental positions in the ever-expanding British Empire. Eugene appears to have continued the colonial legacy of his parents by joining the British army at the age of 18. His active military career lasted eighteen years before he requested to be discharged in 1870. During the discharge process a Manchester-based military hearing was given a synopsis of his career. The hearing was told that Sullivan had spent over twelve years of his military career stationed abroad. Through piecing together Eugene’s war record it would appear he witnessed both the Crimean War (in 1853) and the Indian Rebellion of 1857 (also known as the Indian Mutiny or The Great Rebellion). Eugene’s military postings had taken him to the farthest frontiers of the British Empire – often into dangerous and politically dubious areas. Greater detail of his posts were given as follows; three and a half years in the East Indies, just under five years in the West Indies, seven months in the Mediterranean, a year in Crimea and five years in Canada.

During one of his postings abroad Eugene married his English-born wife Emma Parsons. They were joined together on the 4th March 1857 within an Anglican Garrison in Canada. Together the couple had a total of eight children over a twenty-four year period, with Emma and the three eldest children having followed Eugene across the world.

Their eldest child, Hannah E, was born soon after their marriage in 1858. Following her birth the family moved to Bermuda for a short period, where William J was born in 1861. They then returned to Canada and in 1868 Eugene D was born. Eugene the younger would grow up to become a reverend with a keen eye for financial sales and shares, whilst William would become a skilled workman crafting cabinets. Both brothers would subsequently die in the same death year: 1923.

Following Eugene’s request to be discharged from the army the Sullivan’s settled in Northumberland.  A third son, Ernest Lewis, was born soon after their return to England in 1871. He was baptised at St Paul’s church in Alnwick, near the family’s lodgings at Alnwick’s militia depot on Hotspur Street. From census material it would appear the family lived here whilst Eugene was working as a Drill Master on the site. A second daughter, named Emma Jessie Parsons, was born in 1873 and baptised at the same church as her brother but she tragically died during infancy.  The family’s grief over the death of their youngest child was soon replaced with joy as a third daughter, Amelia Gertrude Edith, arrived in 1878. She was followed in quick succession by two more girls; Ada Madoline in 1880 and Mabel Violet Florence in 1883. But the birth of Ada was overshadowed by the death of the Sullivan’s eldest daughter, Hannah, occurring in the same year.

 

A solicitor’s notes on the Sullivan case, showing the ages of the youngest daughters and the address of Emma’s elected trustee. REF: NRO 11343/B/DAT

 

By 1885 the Sullivan’s marriage had spanned almost thirty years. It had created eight children, and endured the death of two. It had survived extreme warfare and stretched its affection across three continents. Perhaps the marriage had run out of steam, or perhaps the recent death of their eldest child was too great for the couple to overcome. Whatever the reasoning behind their decision the couple decided to amicably separate in 1885. They hired the Dickson, Mornington and Archer firm (as the Dickson, Archer and Thorp firm was known during a short period in the late nineteenth century) to settle any legal issues relating to the custody and financial support of their remaining children.

Separation and Agreements

The Sullivan’s separation was a unique one, and their micro-case can be used to trace seismic changes occurring throughout the nineteenth century with respect to divorce, women’s rights and familial settlements. Neither party sought a full legal divorce, perhaps because they wished to avoid any reputational shame or financial demands, but instead opted for a legally-supported separation. During their separation neither party received blame or vilification for the breakdown of the relationship. Contrary to the perceived character of an estranged husband, Eugene Sullivan penned letters to his lawyers filled with warm and affectionate words for Emma. However Eugene’s strong emotions were muted within official separation documents, and his actions were revealed to have been more complex. What therefore follows is an analysis of the couple’s official and private documents, framed within the greater concepts of nineteenth century divorce and marriage.

 

Correspondence regarding the settlement. REF: NRO 11343/B/DAT

 

The indenture outlining the terms of their separation cites “unhappy differences” which “have arisen between E.V Sullivan and Emma his wife” as the reason why “they have consequently agreed to live separate (not under the same roof) from each other for the future.” The document was made in the presence of a witness, William Bean, who was to act as Emma’s trustee. Parting to live under a separate roof was important phrasing which Eugene pushed to have included. But the inclusion of the phrase becomes confused when one reads his personal correspondence with the solicitors. In this series of documents Eugene repeatedly emphasises, and encourages, his assumed responsibility to furnish and finance Emma’s new lodgings.

 

Notes amending the legal separation, discussing the clause “to live apart.” REF: NRO 11343/B/DAT

 

Only four of the couple’s children were subject to the document’s conditions (and a potential custody battle) as, by 1885, two had predeceased the settlement and another two no longer lived in the family home. The document decided, and ultimately divided, custody over the children with the following statement;

“E.V Sullivan shall have custody and shall also maintain and clothe the said Ernest Louis Sullivan and the said Emma Sullivan shall have the custody of Amelia Gertrude Edith Sullivan aged 8 years, Ada Madoline Sullivan aged 5 years and Mabel Violet Florence Sullivan aged 3 years. And that the said E.V Sullivan shall have access to the said Amelia Gertrude Edith Sullivan, Ada Madoline Sullivan and Mabel Violet Florence Sullivan and the said Emma Sullivan shall have access to the said Ernest Louis Sullivan under such arrangements as shall to be made between them for this purpose or if they are unable to agree under such arrangements as shall be made by the said William Bean.”

It is perhaps telling that, whilst custody of the children takes up two pages of the document, references to the settlement of property take up three and a half pages. It was agreed, as part of the separation, that Emma would receive a weekly payment from Eugene, to be handled by her Trustee. However, the payment would be forfeited should the marriage be permanently dissolved by “any other jurisdiction.” This clause acted to prevent Emma from pursuing a total divorce. Regarding the inheritance of property, should Emma predecease Eugene, it was stated that he would inherit as was his “marital right.” The document also noted that Emma should not expect, and would not be given, any further financial support for the payment of future debts or every-day expenditure from Eugene.

But Emma also maintained her own conditions; rooted in her personal freedom and independence. She added a clause that, upon following the separate living arrangements, Eugene could not “molest or interfere with the said Emma Sullivan in her manner of living or otherwise.” This clause throws Eugene’s ‘caring’ letters into question. Was he really trying to provide for his estranged wife, and the children she maintained, by keeping her financially and furnishing her new abode? Or was it a way to maintain a level of control over Emma? The inclusion of so many specific clauses appeared to insinuate that, at least for Eugene, the bonds of marriage relating to property and name remained – even if the couple occupied separate lodgings.

Nineteenth Century Divorce and Marriage

During the nineteenth century the concept of divorce and marriage underwent drastic legal change. Marriage became more secular following various parliamentary acts. This drove separation and divorce out the ecclesiastical courts and into the jurisdiction of secular judges and solicitors; such as Dickson, Archer and Mornington. Married women were also afforded greater legal status as the century progressed, with specific regard to the custody of children – developments Emma clearly capitalised upon.

Prior to the latter 1800’s ecclesiastical divorce could be granted in extreme cases of adultery, cruelty or desertion although no party would be allowed to remarry. In 1857 the Divorce and Matrimonial Causes Act created a Probate and Divorce Court in London which allowed civil divorces. When using these courts parties still had to prove, with sufficient evidence, that serious adultery, cruelty, incest, bigamy or other heinous offences had occurred. Unfortunately, evidential proof was often difficult to establish and pursuing a divorce case could be costly to ones finances and reputation. There was no reference to ill-treatment or adultery in the Sullivan’s case, and perhaps this lack of vilification can be attested as the reason why a full legal divorce had not been sought.

The Married Woman’s Property acts of 1870 and 1882 gradually gave married women the right to hold property in their own name. The 1882 act gave women possession of all property held before or after their marriage – thus allowing women to become independent financial entities. But this still did not entitle married women to sue their husbands (as they remained one legal person) or be allowed to keep a legal residence apart from her husband. Thus Eugene’s acceptance of his wife’s second residence, forming part of a legal separation, was a double-edged sword. Although it allowed Emma to live a separate and more autonomous life, it would doubtlessly have been poorly judged by their contemporaries.

 

A letter from Eugene discussing the furnishing of Emma’s new lodgings. REF: NRO 11343/B/DAT

 

The Sullivan’s settlement had been carefully crafted by both sides to suit the middle ground between marriage and complete divorce. The document mediated between both sides, by allowing Emma to keep a separate residence and splitting custody of the children, as well as feeding into broader changes and trends. Emma therefore benefited from legal change and shifting social perceptions.

A Happily Ever After?

In the years which followed their separation neither party pursued an official divorce. Eugene retired as a Drill Master in Alnwick and moved across Northumberland; from 65 Beaconsfield Street in the ward of Arthur’s Hill, Newcastle Upon Tyne to Westgate.

In 1891 the couple appear to have either reconciled, or at least agreed to cohabit, with their extended family. The couple can be found on the census living in Westgate with their son Ernest Lewis. Ernest had returned to the family home having been married at 17 and widowed, during the birth of his son, at 19. Also living in the new family home were daughters Amelia, Ada and Mabel.

The family did not live in the Newcastle area for long, as they subsequently moved onto Alnmouth. Eugene died shortly after the move, in 1896, whereas Emma was still living in the area in 1911 at the age of 71. She peacefully lived out her final days under the care of her eldest son, William, in Alnmouth’s Percy Cottages on Front Street.

 

The Great Snow Storm of 1886

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Snow fall isn’t anything new to us, but we have escaped heavy falls over the years. When it does snow there have always been travel delays, cancelled trains, snow drifts and communities pulling together. Although there have been some changes for instance horse power means something different these days and newspapers are slowly a thing of the past being replaced by social media and the internet. And the words reporters use in their stories, have changed dramatically. So let us go back virtually to the day, to 1886 and see what happened in Morpeth and the surrounding area…

On 6 March 1886, the Morpeth Herald reported that on Monday the inhabitants of the town and district witnessed one of the most severe snowstorms that have ever occurred perhaps in living memory. It started in the early hours of Monday morning and the storm raged with unwonted impetuosity. As the evening approached the wind seemed to increase in violence until it assumed the character of a hurricane whirling the blinding showers of snow in all kinds of fantastic shapes making traffic very unpleasant and almost impossible. Bridge Street and Newgate Street were almost deserted. There was very little abatement on the Tuesday morning. The sky had a dull laden appearance. Snow was drifting and most thoroughfares were 3ft deep and in some parts with the drifts up to 5ft 6”. The snow had drifted up the side of houses, creating fancy patterns on the windows and in some cases was half way up the side of residents front doors. On the Tuesday morning the residents mobilised and began searching for shovels, spades and implements of every description to try and clear the pathways. In a few hours both sides of the street were in good order. Mr Sanderson, Road Surveyor of the Local Board, rigged up a snow plough and soon made a capital passage down the middle of the road for vehicular traffic. He proceeded towards the country district, but came to a halt due to the high snow drifts on the Stobhill Road where the efforts of the 8 horses attached to the plough stopped.
Mr Sanderson, on the Wednesday made another attempt up Shields Road with the snow plough and got a fair distance along, then returned and went up the South Turnpike, but got no further than South Gate, where a snow drift of some 18 feet stopped his progress.

The shop keepers and merchants of the town could not get their provisions out to their customers and the Post Office faired little better with delivering the post. The Rothbury Coach driven by Mr Paton arrived on the Monday night, but could not proceed on the Tuesday. Mr Drysdale on Tuesday attempted with two horses to get to Newbiggin, but only got as far as Quarry Bank when he had to turn back to town. On the Wednesday, Mr Knight the Post Master and Mr Drysdale attempted to proceed to Newcastle by road with the mail bags for the South, but on getting the Catchburn, they were compelled to abandon their carriage and proceed on horseback. They managed to reach Stannington, but no further. There was no good news for train travellers at Morpeth Station either as the lines were under so much snow. The “Fish Train”, which normally arrives about 9.30pm did not arrive at all. It had been shunted into sidings a little further north to allow the “Scotch Express” to come through. The Express arrived at 10.20 and proceeded on its way south through a blinding snowstorm. It got as far as Forest Hall and got stuck in the snow and its passengers were stuck in their carriages until Tuesday morning. Arriving at Newcastle Central Station, some 12 hours late.

The news of heavy snow in the north complied trains to stop at Morpeth Station and passengers had to make their minds up to “Rough It” until the way was clear. Many went into the town and stayed in hotels until the Thursday morning. Some stayed in the waiting room, others in the carriages or Saloon cars.  A snow plough with 4 engines attached left Newcastle on Tuesday morning at 8am. They were prevented from getting to Morpeth until they cleared the North Mail Train and after several hours got her clear only to encounter further drifts at Annitsford and Cramlington, reaching Morpeth at 2pm.
It was not until the Thursday morning that a train arrived from Newcastle in the afternoon with the newspapers and letters aboard. A train also arrived from the Blyth and Tyne section which had been blocked since the Monday. A few cattle trains were snowed up north of Morpeth and many poor animals were reduced to sore straits, through not being able to procure food or water and also exposure to cold. In a few instances some cows in one truck were delivered calves.

The Passengers in Morpeth:
The majority of the passengers who left the train found their way into town with considerable difficulty. Mr Thompson, an Auctioneer from Chester-le-Street on his way to Glasgow for a Stallion show and Secretary of the North East Agricultural Horse Society found lodgings in the Newcastle Hotel, run by Mrs Atkinson. He and his fellow travellers, speak in the highest terms of the Morpeth people and the Railway officials. The gentlemen travellers were entertained by members of the Morpeth Club. The Rector of Morpeth invited the ladies to take up quarters in the Rectory, but some preferred to remain in the Pulman Cars which formed part of the train. They stayed there until 1pm on the Thursday when communication with Newcastle was opened. Notification was received that the down line was open, but there was still a blockage on the north bound line, north of Berwick. Those wishing to leave Morpeth south bound left at 3.15pm and reached Newcastle shortly after 4pm. A large number did venture north in the hope that when they reached Berwick the blockage would be cleared. Mr Turnbull, states that on his journey back home he saw in many places the height of the snow was greater than the height of the carriages and the cuttings of the snow drifts had been done entirely by hand.

The cattle truck stuck north of Morpeth arrived on the Thursday morning; however in some of the trucks a few sheep had died and the cattle for the Newcastle, Leeds and Wakefield markets were in need of fodder. Once these carriages reached Morpeth, hay was put into the trucks and devoured most ravenously by the cattle. Three trains from the south were delayed at Morpeth and surprise was expressed by passengers that the railway company’s should have despatched the trains under the circumstances.

The story of one family:
Among the passengers on the Pullman stuck near Acklington were Mr Barclay Holland and Mrs Holland of Countesswells, with Miss Beadon their nurse and a child aged 4, the daughter of Mr & Mrs Holland (the only child on the train). The party left Aberdeen at 4.40pm on the Monday for London and were on the Pullman attached to the “Scotch Express” and were stuck in the drift near Acklington on the Tuesday morning. There we were, said one of the ladies “Stuck in the middle of two fields of snow for 17 hours with little food, except what some cottagers were kind enough to bring us”. The provisions provided were shared equally amongst the travellers and consisted of a cup of tea a slice of bread and butter and a bit of cheese. The tea of course was cold by the time we got it, but they were grateful. There was a chance to get to Acklington.

On arriving at Acklington they ploughed waist deep in snow towards the inn. They got there on Tuesday night at 8 and had ham and eggs, bread and butter. There were only 4 rooms in the house and many slept on the floor others sat in chairs round the fire and dozed the night away. Others stayed in the waiting room. The inn keeper wasn’t prepared for the influx of 45 guests as well as 80 navvies working on the railway. “We had nothing, but ham in the house and had to cook 12 hams and managed to get some loafs of bread. Once the bread was all eaten up on the Wednesday morning we only had ham and biscuits.” Nobody seemed the worse for the trouble and inconvenience, although they all suffered from the cold on the Tuesday. The snowed up passengers had made a deal of the only child on the train and the family party concurred in praising the innkeeper for the way he had ransacked the place for provisions and done his best to make them comfortable in the circumstances.

 

 

Devils in the Bed

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Examination and Diagnosis

On the 30th day of November, in the year 1860, two surgeons came to a home in Narrowgate, Alnwick to examine a Mr William Marshall for proof of “insanity.” The medical examination had been arranged by William’s family and facilitated by Hugh Lisle Esq, a local Justice of the Peace. William’s story, pulled from the Dickson, Archer and Thorp collection, allows us a unique insight into the lives of those diagnosed “insane,” and the families they often left behind, in nineteenth century Northumberland.

 

Order for the Reception of the Patient William Marshall. REF: NRO 11343/B/DAT

 

The surgeons examining William were a Henry Caudlish and a Thomas Feuder. In line with the requirements of their positions all three men completed detailed forms evaluating William’s mental well-being. The survival of these medical forms, used to certify William’s illness and record the thoughts of officials, make them rare and insightful pieces.

Henceforth are transcribed extracts from these forms, with the originals shown in pictures:

Facts indicating Insanity observed by myself:

Thomas: “He fancies that there are Devils in the bed, or parties going to do him some grievous bodily harm, he fancies that the bed clothes are moving. He is desponding.”

Henry: “He states that I have a desire to poison him, and that I have an interest in doing so and that I were among many conspirators. Fancies that there is poison in his bed – and in his food.”

Other facts (if any) indicating Insanity communicated to me by others:

Henry: “He persists that a great quantity of poison has been given to him, but not yet the fatal dose, and that if he dies a hundred persons will be living for him – communicated to me by his wife.”

Thomas: “He refuses his food and persists that what is presented to him contains poison – communicated to me by his wife.”

 

Medical Certificate for Marshall Case Signed by Henry Caudlish. REF: NRO 11343/B/DAT

 

Medical Certificate for Marshall Case Signed by Thomas Fueder. REF: NRO 11343/B/DAT

 

For William the visions of devils, paired with his belief that someone was secretly poisoning him, were vivid and terrifying. Yet the surgeons found a conspiracy unlikely, and they concluded William was indeed suffering from “insanity.” Upon the diagnosis Hugh Lisle arranged for William to be taken from his home to reside in the Northumberland County Pauper Lunatic Asylum, Morpeth. But why was William suffering with such terrifying visions? And what life awaited him in the county asylum?

 

Health and Visions

William was not the only patient sent to reside in the Morpeth asylum for having paranoid thoughts. The admission book for the asylum’s patients shows that many were diagnosed upon arrival as suffering from “delusional insanity.”

On the arrival of each new patient their symptoms, and the presumed cause, would be carefully recorded. These so-called causes often included hereditary problems and work place accidents. The surgeon’s involved in William’s case noted the cause to his problems stemmed from a mix of pre-existing medical issues, including chronic asthma and general ill health, with “straitened circumstances.”

 

Family Troubles and “Straitened Circumstances”

William Marshall was 50 years old when he suffered his first bout of psychological illness in the year 1860. He had lived in Alnwick his whole life, along with his wife Mary and their ever-growing brood.

Together the Marshall’s had eight children; Sarah, Isabella, William, John, Mary, Joseph, Thomas and Annie. The Marshall brood had a staggering age range, with the eldest being twenty years older than the youngest. But, sadly, not all the Marshall children reached adulthood, as Thomas died in 1856 aged just five.

William worked as a coach keeper to support his large family, and his sons followed him into coach and horse-keeping professions. In 1861, less than a year after William was removed from the family home due to his supposed “insanity,” his son John was working as a coach smith whilst Joseph was a hostler. By 1871 Joseph had progressed in the world, and is listed in the census as owning what appears to be 4 acres of land (although how he came to this settlement is a mystery.)

Following her husband’s illness Mary needed to find a way to financially support her young family. She subsequently became a cow keeper. Cow keepers often kept dairy animals, such as cows and goats, within their backyards and would use them to make and distribute dairy products amongst their neighbours. William’s daughters also took up professions to support the family, with Isabella becoming a dressmaker and Mary a domestic servant.

Working hard to feed and provide for his ever-growing family, yet still witnessing some of his children die, must have put strain on William’s own health and mental well-being. These demands, teamed with a potentially dubious financial situation, may explain the “straitened circumstances” referred to in his medical report. Thus, it is unsurprising that these pressures began to manifest in his psychological well-being.

 

The Northumberland County Asylum

Using the asylum’s minute book we know 80 male patients and 77 female patients were in residence when William arrived at the tail-end of November 1860. We also know, from notes made on the asylum’s weekly purchases, that William would have ate a diet of mutton, scotch oatmeal, split peas and livered meat during his first month.

 

Birds eye view of the asylum 1901

 

On the 4th March 1861, roughly three months after William had arrived, the asylum received a visit from its Board of Guardians. What they observed was recorded in the institution’s minute book and can be used to give us a deeper insight into William’s experience of the Northumberland County Pauper Lunatic Asylum. During the visit the gentlemen noted that patients had “good bodily health” and were “without exception quiet and orderly.” They recommended enlarging the chapel, and adding blinds to the patient’s dormitories, to encourage godliness and increase patient privacy. Overall the board members were pleased with the asylum, and noted how they had enjoyed a “good laugh” with some of its residents.

To understand more about the Northumberland County Pauper Lunatic Asylum please see one of the archives’ previous blogs on the subject.

 

The Devil Put To Bed

It is unlikely William ever left the asylum following his 1861 entry. In the 1871 census Mary Marshall listed herself as being a widow, with William’s death having probably occurred less than a year before in 1870. One can only hope William was no longer troubled by devils in his bed.

 

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