General

In 1834 the owning of one person by another was abolished in Britain and its overseas territories. The owners of enslaved people were paid compensation by the British government to a total of £20 million (worth something like £300 billion today). The debt incurred was finally paid off in 2015.

In an effort to “Dig Deeper, Look Closer and Think Bigger” (Black History Month headline, 2020), staff at Northumberland Archives have researched some of the slave owners that claimed compensation. They have used the University College London database, created from documents at the National Archives, as a starting point to understanding the links between individuals in Northumberland, the plantations they owned and the enslaved people who worked on them.

On 25th July 1839 a counterclaim for compensation was made by the Cooke family, Edward Cooke et al of Bywell Vicarage, St. Peter, Northumberland, and Anthony Nichol, possibly his brother-in-law, a merchant from Newcastle. Cooke’s counterclaim related to five plantation estates on the island of Tortola, the largest island of what is now known as the British Virgin Islands. The plantations in question had previously been owned by Richard Hetherington, former President of the Tortola, who had died in 1821. The estates were subject to a number of claims and counterclaims. The compensation amount exceeded £6,000 and was in relation to 395 enslaved people. The counterclaim made by Rev. Edward Cooke was unsuccessful, with the estates ultimately being settled in favour of Anthony William Maillard, a barrister resident on the island and grandson-in-law of the deceased.

Life in the British Virgin Islands

The Islands came under British control in the eighteenth century, originally being settled by the Dutch. Under British control the economy became a plantation-based one, predominately harvesting sugar. A House of Commons Select Committee of 1773 heard testimony from residents of Tortola that conditions had harshened over recent years. Amongst the enslaved population, land was scarce, malnutrition was rife and punishment was severe. Many enslaved people were whipped as it did not prevent the inflicted from working afterwards. In 1774 legislation was passed to define acceptable punishments towards those enslaved. Whilst it did not improve the life of many immediately, it did mark a point when things began to change.

Quakers, who began to settle on the Islands in the 18th century, were fundamentally opposed to slavery and freed a number of those enslaved. Quaker Samuel Nottingham gave freedom to 25 people with 50 acres of land in Long Look, Tortola, he encouraged a community to work together cultivating the land for the common good. By 1823 it was reported that the community had grown to 43, the residents were debt free, regular church attendees and had not appeared in front of a magistrate. Methodists were next to begin populating the Islands, those who had been manumitted (legally freed) were welcomed into the church, this in itself encouraged better treatment of people formerly enslaved. Through the church, schooling was provided, resulting in the white plantation owners beginning to see former slaves as ‘human beings deserving of humane treatment’.

In 1798 the Amelioration Act was passed in the Leeward Islands (a name given to a group of islands in the north east Caribbean Sea which includes the British Virgin Islands), this outlawed cruel and unusual punishments as well as setting out minimum standards for feeding and educating the enslaved population. The passing of the 1807 Slave Trade Act in Britain discontinued trade, while the enslaved were not given freedom, it gave plantation owners an economic incentive to treat the enslaved population better as they could only be replaced through birth (a child born to an enslaved mother was enslaved from birth) or through illegal trade. It is in the backdrop of these slow and minor ‘improvements’ that the trial of Arthur William Hodge takes place.

In 1811 Hodge became the only British man hung for murder of an enslaved person. As President of the Virgin Islands, Richard Hetherington was also President of the Court. The jury listened to witnesses detail the actions and punishments that had been carried out under Hodge’s command, they were gruesome and abhorrent. The charge of murder was in relation to a man named Prosper who had been subject to an hour-long cart-whipping. Hodge did not carry out the punishment, but he was culpable; an unknown enslaved person would not be held accountable for following the direction of their owner. Prosper was then tied to a tree with his hands behind his back, the whip was shortened (referred to as ‘close quarters’, to cause greater injury with less noise) and again whipped in the presence of Hodge until he fainted. A witness described “his head hanging down backwards, and [he was] no longer able to bawl”. The actions were repeated the following day.

Prosper died a fortnight later, most likely due to the injuries he had sustained. The reason for the beating? Prosper had been told to pay 6 shillings for a mango that had fallen from a tree, or be flogged. Hodge was tried for murder as his actions had exceeded what was considered acceptable or moderate chastisement, he showed malice and cruelty in his actions. Ill-treatment towards others enslaved by Hodge were also detailed in the adjournment and trial, including women and children, and one young girl believed to have been fathered by Hodge. Witnesses for the prosecution and defense were male and female, white and free individuals ‘of colour’. Hodge protested his innocence against the charge of murder. Hetherington told the jury that “if murder has been proved – whether on a white persons or on a black persons, the crime is equally the same with God and the law”. The jury found Hodge guilty, the majority of the jury recommended mercy. A sentence of hanging was passed a few days later by the Chief Justice.

There was also a history of revolts on the Islands. In 1790 an uprising on estates owned by Isaac Pickering began as it was believed that freedom to the enslaved had been granted in England, but the slave-owners were withholding this information to keep the population captive. Similar revolts occurred on a number of plantations in the 1820s and 1830s. After the slave trade was abolished in 1807 the Royal Navy patrolled the waters to free cargoes of people brought from Africa. From 1808, it was estimated that about 2,000 Africans were taken to Tortola in this way. After serving a 14-year ‘apprenticeship’ they were free. From 1822 onwards free Africans working in the Islands alongside the existing enslaved population caused jealousy and resentment. The most significant uprising occurred in 1831 when there was a plot to kill white males on the islands and escape to Haiti (Haiti was the only free black republic in the world at the time). Although not particularly well organised, military assistance from the neighbouring island of St. Thomas was required. The alleged plotters were executed.

The Slavery Abolition Act was passed in 1833, with abolition taking place August the following year; it continues to be marked with a 3-day ‘Festivals Holiday’ public holiday each year. Emancipation freed almost 6,000 enslaved; although in reality it was ‘phased out’ with many entering a period of forced apprenticeship with their owners. Many of the former enslaved population continued working on the same plantations in return for a small wage, with expenses of housing, clothing and medicine which had previously been paid by the owner.

Quaker Joseph John Gurney wrote that the plantation owners of Tortola were “decidedly saving money by the substitution of free labour on moderate wages, for the deadweight of slavery”. Hurricanes and drought impacted the Islands leading to economic decline, increased taxation and outbreaks of cholera and smallpox. Although some managed to amass savings, many former slaves were disenchanted that freedom did not appear to bring financial freedom or benefits. An insurrection in 1853 led to the white population fleeing the Islands; many former plantation owners did not return to their estates. By 1893 Tortola had two white people living on the Island, the deputy Governor and a doctor; the population was almost exclusively derived from those who had been enslaved.

Part two to follow……

In 1924, the MOH report notes that the smallpox hospital has been in almost constant occupation since November 1923, during which time, 45 cases were treated.  The Rural District Council are promoting the combining of neighbouring districts so they can all use a common Fever Hospital; and they suggest the combination in this way of the following district councils: Alnwick Rural, Morpeth Urban and Rural, Ashington, Urban Newbiggin-by-the-Sea Urban and Castle Ward Rural.

By 1931, the MOH report states that the Chevington (Smallpox) Hospital is the only hospital in the district, which is ready for use and in excellent condition. Other diseases aside of smallpox are treated in neighbouring hospitals at fixed charges.  This way of working is said to be much more economical than building new hospitals due to the improved transport – patients belonging to the Morpeth Rural district were able to seek treatment at Walkergate Isolation Hospital, Wooley Sanatorium, Stannington Sanatorium, and Preston Hospital at North Shields, due to the improved transport links.

In 1934, the MOH points out that no case of smallpox has been notified in Britain since the first few months of the year, and that the country seems completely free of the disease.  The smallpox hospital at Chevington remained unopen during 1934, but was ready to use should the occasion arise.  Patients were still being transported to other hospitals, and the cost of doing this 1933-1934 was £275 – about £15,000 in today’s money.

The next significant notes come from the 1936 MOH report, where the hospital has remained unused since 1927, with most infectious cases being transferred to the Newcastle Infectious Diseases Hospital at Walkergate.  By 1937, the hospital is reported as being run down – the water supply is unsatisfactory and needs to be tested; 12 beds would have to be renewed as the mattresses are either too rusty to clean or too broken to repair.  The building itself is in fairly good condition, and could be made into a serviceable state within a day or two.

We need to go back to the Morpeth Herald for more news of the hospital, jumping to 1940, when the MOH requests the Chairman of the Morpeth Rural District Council to sanction the removal of nursing equipment, screens and bed rests from West Chevington Hospital to the hospitals at Ashington and Bedlington, to help them with the influx of paratyphoid fever patients.  When the hospital is inspected a few months later, it is found to be in splendid condition, and the Council no longer want to ‘dispose’ of it, and decide to retain it in case of emergency, and in case it needs to be used as accommodation – especially as there are some years to run on the lease.  It is noted that the farmer near the property has been using the ambulance shed as a lambing shed due to a misunderstanding involving taking part of the garden back!

Jumping in time again, to 1943, Morpeth Rural District Council approve a plan submitted by the County War Agricultural Executive Committee to use the hospital as an agricultural hostel, whilst improving the drainage system.  In September that year, the District Council received a letter of acceptance from Mr. T.W. Bell of West Chevington Farm of their terms for the relinquishment of their lease of the land and premises at Chevington Isolation Hospital.  In April 1947, the Herald reports that the Northumberland War Agricultural Executive Committee are prepared to make a cash settlement of £52 3s 6d – against Morpeth Rural District Council’s claim of £70 13s 6d – in respect of dilapidations at the Isolation hospital, during the period it had been requisitioned, and that the District Council were going to accept the offer.

The last information I could find relating to the Chevington Isolation Hospital, was in an article about the opening of Elliot Community Centre (the Stobhill Town Hall) in December 1947.  The building that was chosen for the Community Centre had been part of the hospital at Chevington.

The records that we have within the Archives are limited to what people and organisations decide to deposit with us.  It would be wonderful to add to what we know about Chevington Isolation Hospital – does anyone have any photographs of the site, relatives that worked there, paperwork relating to the site and buildings, reminiscences of the area?  If you do, please contact us at archives@northumberland.gov.uk

As a little girl, a lot of my time was spent at my gran’s house at Widdrington Station.  She had grown up at Widdrington Colliery and would often regale me with stories of her childhood.  Many of the tales revolved around ‘Paradise’, near West Chevington.  I became fascinated with the tales of the isolation hospital there, and visited many times as a child – before the area was opencasted – wandering through the buildings.  

There was always quite a spooky feel to the site, which we entered through quite a large wooden gate (it may have been a normal size gate, I was quite small at the time!).  On one late afternoon trip, I remember hearing strange noises in one of the buildings, which left me paralysed with fear until a lone sheep decided to wander out through the door!  I think it was on that occasion that I looked in the building and noticed that there was still a bed in place, with blankets upon it.  It felt as if everyone had walked out one day, never to return, leaving everything in its place.

Fast forward a few (!) years, and I find myself working at Northumberland Archives, wondering if there is any information on one of my childhood haunts.  Actual records from isolation hospitals are one of the gaps in our collections, but there is other information lurking if you know where to look.  Looking at the OS maps, I found the isolation hospital on a copy of the 3rd edition (1925) map [ref. sheet LI.SE].  My next move was to look through local newspapers, to establish a timeline for the hospital, and learn more about its history.  The Morpeth Herald was where I found mention of the hospital, because it was operated by the Morpeth Rural District Council.

In July 1902, Morpeth Rural District Council had decided that the best site for an isolation hospital was on Chevington Moor, near Chevington Station, as it was near a water supply.  It took until May 1903 for the draft contract for the site to be drawn up by Lord Grey’s solicitor.  By August 1903, reports noted that the ground at the site had been levelled and, as smallpox was currently rife, building was urged to begin as soon as possible.  The site comprised 12 acres, and the lease was to be for 48 years, at £12 per annum, to commence 12 May 1904.  

The Morpeth Herald on 19 September 1903 reports that the isolation hospital would be ready to accept patients in 10 days, and that the “appearance of the hospital is very attractive, the surrounding air health-inspiring…”  It was also noted that 300 yards west of the hospital and on a direct line with it, was an old roofless engine-house, that would make an excellent smallpox hospital.  On 26 May 1904, the Hospital was inspected by the District Council’s Hospital Committee – it is interesting to note that in this newspaper article, the site of the Hospital is referred to as Paradise, the only time I have found written evidence of it being called this.  Two trees were planted on the occasion of the visit, one by the Chairman, Mr. T. Hudson, and one by the Medical Officer, Dr. William Clarkson.  24 cases of smallpox had been recently treated there (four of them of a very severe nature), and all patients had survived.

We then jump to 1911 for the next mention of the hospital.  A Mr. William Wilson was appointed caretaker out of 14 applicants in May of that year, and in November there is a report from the Doctor regarding the possible conversion of the old engine-house, which is worth reading:
“At present we have a smallpox hospital, which accommodates 20 patients, and there is the old engine-room, which is not fitted out, and I consider it would not be wise to equip it, as it would only accommodate four beds, or six for some diseases.  It would require new windows, the walls plastered, and the roof sealed.  Then it must be divided into two and nurses’ accommodation added…”

The Doctor concluded that it was best to keep the current hospital as a smallpox hospital as it was very isolated, and to select another position as a fever hospital. In 1912 and 1913, there was much discussion at the local council meetings regarding the use of the hospital as a central isolation hospital.  It was argued that it couldn’t be used to isolate cases of fever because it was set apart purely for smallpox cases, the counter argument was that it could be used for one infectious disease at a time, but that a nurse would need to be appointed.  We then jump to 1919, when a separate typhoid hospital in Longhirst was being proposed, as Chevington couldn’t accept typhoid cases.

Substantial entries for the hospital peter out at this point, and I turned to the Medical Officer of Health [MOH] Reports for Morpeth Rural District Council, for information [ref. CC/CH/MOH/1/19].  In the 1920 MOH report, one of the sites recommended for the Infectious Hospital (presumably the one proposed for Longhirst originally, for typhoid cases) was on a neighbouring site to the ‘Smallpox Hospital’ (Chevington), and the other on Morpeth Moor.  By 1921, the Reports are talking about a Fever Hospital, for which there is no government money available, and the answer might be to create a Union Hospital by joining with several neighbouring Councils.

Part two to follow…..