Legacy of Slavery: Rev. Edward Cooke, Bywell St. Peter, Northumberland: Part One

SANT/BEQ/18/7

In 1834 the owning of one person by another was abolished in Britain and its overseas territories. The owners of enslaved people were paid compensation by the British government to a total of £20 million (worth something like £300 billion today). The debt incurred was finally paid off in 2015.

In an effort to “Dig Deeper, Look Closer and Think Bigger” (Black History Month headline, 2020), staff at Northumberland Archives have researched some of the slave owners that claimed compensation. They have used the University College London database, created from documents at the National Archives, as a starting point to understanding the links between individuals in Northumberland, the plantations they owned and the enslaved people who worked on them.

On 25th July 1839 a counterclaim for compensation was made by the Cooke family, Edward Cooke et al of Bywell Vicarage, St. Peter, Northumberland, and Anthony Nichol, possibly his brother-in-law, a merchant from Newcastle. Cooke’s counterclaim related to five plantation estates on the island of Tortola, the largest island of what is now known as the British Virgin Islands. The plantations in question had previously been owned by Richard Hetherington, former President of the Tortola, who had died in 1821. The estates were subject to a number of claims and counterclaims. The compensation amount exceeded £6,000 and was in relation to 395 enslaved people. The counterclaim made by Rev. Edward Cooke was unsuccessful, with the estates ultimately being settled in favour of Anthony William Maillard, a barrister resident on the island and grandson-in-law of the deceased.

Life in the British Virgin Islands

The Islands came under British control in the eighteenth century, originally being settled by the Dutch. Under British control the economy became a plantation-based one, predominately harvesting sugar. A House of Commons Select Committee of 1773 heard testimony from residents of Tortola that conditions had harshened over recent years. Amongst the enslaved population, land was scarce, malnutrition was rife and punishment was severe. Many enslaved people were whipped as it did not prevent the inflicted from working afterwards. In 1774 legislation was passed to define acceptable punishments towards those enslaved. Whilst it did not improve the life of many immediately, it did mark a point when things began to change.

Quakers, who began to settle on the Islands in the 18th century, were fundamentally opposed to slavery and freed a number of those enslaved. Quaker Samuel Nottingham gave freedom to 25 people with 50 acres of land in Long Look, Tortola, he encouraged a community to work together cultivating the land for the common good. By 1823 it was reported that the community had grown to 43, the residents were debt free, regular church attendees and had not appeared in front of a magistrate. Methodists were next to begin populating the Islands, those who had been manumitted (legally freed) were welcomed into the church, this in itself encouraged better treatment of people formerly enslaved. Through the church, schooling was provided, resulting in the white plantation owners beginning to see former slaves as ‘human beings deserving of humane treatment’.

In 1798 the Amelioration Act was passed in the Leeward Islands (a name given to a group of islands in the north east Caribbean Sea which includes the British Virgin Islands), this outlawed cruel and unusual punishments as well as setting out minimum standards for feeding and educating the enslaved population. The passing of the 1807 Slave Trade Act in Britain discontinued trade, while the enslaved were not given freedom, it gave plantation owners an economic incentive to treat the enslaved population better as they could only be replaced through birth (a child born to an enslaved mother was enslaved from birth) or through illegal trade. It is in the backdrop of these slow and minor ‘improvements’ that the trial of Arthur William Hodge takes place.

In 1811 Hodge became the only British man hung for murder of an enslaved person. As President of the Virgin Islands, Richard Hetherington was also President of the Court. The jury listened to witnesses detail the actions and punishments that had been carried out under Hodge’s command, they were gruesome and abhorrent. The charge of murder was in relation to a man named Prosper who had been subject to an hour-long cart-whipping. Hodge did not carry out the punishment, but he was culpable; an unknown enslaved person would not be held accountable for following the direction of their owner. Prosper was then tied to a tree with his hands behind his back, the whip was shortened (referred to as ‘close quarters’, to cause greater injury with less noise) and again whipped in the presence of Hodge until he fainted. A witness described “his head hanging down backwards, and [he was] no longer able to bawl”. The actions were repeated the following day.

Prosper died a fortnight later, most likely due to the injuries he had sustained. The reason for the beating? Prosper had been told to pay 6 shillings for a mango that had fallen from a tree, or be flogged. Hodge was tried for murder as his actions had exceeded what was considered acceptable or moderate chastisement, he showed malice and cruelty in his actions. Ill-treatment towards others enslaved by Hodge were also detailed in the adjournment and trial, including women and children, and one young girl believed to have been fathered by Hodge. Witnesses for the prosecution and defense were male and female, white and free individuals ‘of colour’. Hodge protested his innocence against the charge of murder. Hetherington told the jury that “if murder has been proved – whether on a white persons or on a black persons, the crime is equally the same with God and the law”. The jury found Hodge guilty, the majority of the jury recommended mercy. A sentence of hanging was passed a few days later by the Chief Justice.

There was also a history of revolts on the Islands. In 1790 an uprising on estates owned by Isaac Pickering began as it was believed that freedom to the enslaved had been granted in England, but the slave-owners were withholding this information to keep the population captive. Similar revolts occurred on a number of plantations in the 1820s and 1830s. After the slave trade was abolished in 1807 the Royal Navy patrolled the waters to free cargoes of people brought from Africa. From 1808, it was estimated that about 2,000 Africans were taken to Tortola in this way. After serving a 14-year ‘apprenticeship’ they were free. From 1822 onwards free Africans working in the Islands alongside the existing enslaved population caused jealousy and resentment. The most significant uprising occurred in 1831 when there was a plot to kill white males on the islands and escape to Haiti (Haiti was the only free black republic in the world at the time). Although not particularly well organised, military assistance from the neighbouring island of St. Thomas was required. The alleged plotters were executed.

The Slavery Abolition Act was passed in 1833, with abolition taking place August the following year; it continues to be marked with a 3-day ‘Festivals Holiday’ public holiday each year. Emancipation freed almost 6,000 enslaved; although in reality it was ‘phased out’ with many entering a period of forced apprenticeship with their owners. Many of the former enslaved population continued working on the same plantations in return for a small wage, with expenses of housing, clothing and medicine which had previously been paid by the owner.

Quaker Joseph John Gurney wrote that the plantation owners of Tortola were “decidedly saving money by the substitution of free labour on moderate wages, for the deadweight of slavery”. Hurricanes and drought impacted the Islands leading to economic decline, increased taxation and outbreaks of cholera and smallpox. Although some managed to amass savings, many former slaves were disenchanted that freedom did not appear to bring financial freedom or benefits. An insurrection in 1853 led to the white population fleeing the Islands; many former plantation owners did not return to their estates. By 1893 Tortola had two white people living on the Island, the deputy Governor and a doctor; the population was almost exclusively derived from those who had been enslaved.

Part two to follow……

‘Paradise’ – Chevington Isolation Hospital: Part Two

In 1924, the MOH report notes that the smallpox hospital has been in almost constant occupation since November 1923, during which time, 45 cases were treated.  The Rural District Council are promoting the combining of neighbouring districts so they can all use a common Fever Hospital; and they suggest the combination in this way of the following district councils: Alnwick Rural, Morpeth Urban and Rural, Ashington, Urban Newbiggin-by-the-Sea Urban and Castle Ward Rural.

By 1931, the MOH report states that the Chevington (Smallpox) Hospital is the only hospital in the district, which is ready for use and in excellent condition. Other diseases aside of smallpox are treated in neighbouring hospitals at fixed charges.  This way of working is said to be much more economical than building new hospitals due to the improved transport – patients belonging to the Morpeth Rural district were able to seek treatment at Walkergate Isolation Hospital, Wooley Sanatorium, Stannington Sanatorium, and Preston Hospital at North Shields, due to the improved transport links.

In 1934, the MOH points out that no case of smallpox has been notified in Britain since the first few months of the year, and that the country seems completely free of the disease.  The smallpox hospital at Chevington remained unopen during 1934, but was ready to use should the occasion arise.  Patients were still being transported to other hospitals, and the cost of doing this 1933-1934 was £275 – about £15,000 in today’s money.

The next significant notes come from the 1936 MOH report, where the hospital has remained unused since 1927, with most infectious cases being transferred to the Newcastle Infectious Diseases Hospital at Walkergate.  By 1937, the hospital is reported as being run down – the water supply is unsatisfactory and needs to be tested; 12 beds would have to be renewed as the mattresses are either too rusty to clean or too broken to repair.  The building itself is in fairly good condition, and could be made into a serviceable state within a day or two.

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We need to go back to the Morpeth Herald for more news of the hospital, jumping to 1940, when the MOH requests the Chairman of the Morpeth Rural District Council to sanction the removal of nursing equipment, screens and bed rests from West Chevington Hospital to the hospitals at Ashington and Bedlington, to help them with the influx of paratyphoid fever patients.  When the hospital is inspected a few months later, it is found to be in splendid condition, and the Council no longer want to ‘dispose’ of it, and decide to retain it in case of emergency, and in case it needs to be used as accommodation – especially as there are some years to run on the lease.  It is noted that the farmer near the property has been using the ambulance shed as a lambing shed due to a misunderstanding involving taking part of the garden back!

Jumping in time again, to 1943, Morpeth Rural District Council approve a plan submitted by the County War Agricultural Executive Committee to use the hospital as an agricultural hostel, whilst improving the drainage system.  In September that year, the District Council received a letter of acceptance from Mr. T.W. Bell of West Chevington Farm of their terms for the relinquishment of their lease of the land and premises at Chevington Isolation Hospital.  In April 1947, the Herald reports that the Northumberland War Agricultural Executive Committee are prepared to make a cash settlement of £52 3s 6d – against Morpeth Rural District Council’s claim of £70 13s 6d – in respect of dilapidations at the Isolation hospital, during the period it had been requisitioned, and that the District Council were going to accept the offer.

The last information I could find relating to the Chevington Isolation Hospital, was in an article about the opening of Elliot Community Centre (the Stobhill Town Hall) in December 1947.  The building that was chosen for the Community Centre had been part of the hospital at Chevington.

The records that we have within the Archives are limited to what people and organisations decide to deposit with us.  It would be wonderful to add to what we know about Chevington Isolation Hospital – does anyone have any photographs of the site, relatives that worked there, paperwork relating to the site and buildings, reminiscences of the area?  If you do, please contact us at archives@northumberland.gov.uk

BERWICK ADVERTISER, 14TH OCTOBER 1921

HORNCLIFFE MEMORIAL HALL

OPENING CEREMONY

What may be termed as Horncliffe’s completion of her memorial schemes to her fallen sons was the opening of the Memorial Hall on Thursday. Favoured by delightful weather, there was a crowded attendance within the building when Mr Alec. Ritson, Thornton, declared it open in fitting terms.

There still remained a debt of £200 to be cleared off, however, and immediately after a sale of work, for which preparations have been going on for many months, followed. Business was very brisk during the afternoon, which augured well for the effort being successful.

Horncliffe War Memorial © Eric Musgrave (WMR-33471)

THE OPENING CEREMONY

Capt. F. C. H. Allenby, R. N., presided, and in calling upon Mr Thornton to declare the hut open, made fitting reference to those who had returned after enduring hardships for the sake of those at home. He mentioned that they had collected the sum of £583 to date for the Memorial and the Hut, and he hoped that at the end of the day they would be able to raise the greater part of the £200 to clear off the debt still standing on the building. They could not, he proceeded, have selected one more fitting than Mr Ritson to declare the Hall open. He was always willing to help and serve the community. He much regretted that he suffered from ill-health, but he had served his country to the best of his ability in the War. He knew he felt deeply he was unable to serve in the trenches. He remembered a service friend of his telling him that he wished all men would only do their duty in the sphere they were told off for, and Mr Ritson had always done his duty in his own sphere, rather than call on other people to do it. (Applause).

VISCOUNT GREY AT BERWICK

A LONG AND THOUGHTFUL SPEECH

For some weeks Berwick has been a centre of political interest, on account of Viscount Grey’s return to active politics in support of Mr Walter Runciman in his candidature for the Berwick-upon-Tweed Division, and on Monday night the Corn Exchange was filled with an audience drawn from all classes of opinion in the constituency. The daily and Sunday newspapers have been prophesying that Viscount Grey was to assume the leadership of the Independent Liberals, and again that he was to announce an alliance with Lord Robert Cecil. Neither of these things came off. The meeting was arranged in support of Mr Runciman, and the main thing that came out of Viscount Grey’s speech was that he was in entire sympathy with the Independent Liberals and Mr Runciman. Whether he will be able to remain in the background time will show. There was a large gathering on the platform, and the list we give of those present will also be interesting for its omission of some who have been prominent Liberals in the past, but who are not at the moment “Independents.” In addition to the two prominent speakers there were: – Mr. R. C. Bosanquet, president of the Berwick-upon-Tweed Liberal Association ( in the chair) and Mrs Bosanquet; Mrs Runciman; Sir Walter and Lady Runciman; Mr G. W. Hindmarsh, chairman of the Executive; Ald. T. Wilson. J. P.; Messrs Gerald France, M.P.; Wm. Macdonald, Rock; Rutherford, Seahouses; A. Mitchie, Alnwick; J. Clark, Belford; the Rev. C. L. Stowe, Berwick; D. Elliot, Belford; Mrs Richardson, Berwick; Messrs R. Boston, Spittal; J. Boston, Spittal; Ald. P. Boston, Spittal; W. Nelson, Lowick; J. H. Culley, Kirknewton; T. L. McAndrews, Amble; Miss Boston, Spittal; Messrs F. R. Padley, Wooler; J. Seals, Berwick; A. Younger, Allerdean; Councillor Dudgeon, Berwick; T. Elder, Berwick; Ald. J. Elder, Berwick; Miss Hume, Alnwick; Messrs H. Dowsett, Northern Liberal Federation; D. Elliot, Alnwick; C. Hindmarsh, Alnwick; H. W. Willits, Berwick; J. Cleghorn, Wooler; F. Hindmarsh, Alnwick; J. B. Beveridge, Tweedmouth; T. Morrison, Berwick; J. J. Simmen, Berwick; lady Robson; Miss Gregson, secretary Women’s Liberal Association; Mr W. A. Edwards, secretary Berwick Divisional Liberal Association, and Mrs Edwards; Mr J. Macnab, Beal.

Image from the Berwick Advertiser 4 December 1858, opening of the newly erected Corn Exchange, Berwick-upon-Tweed.

When the party filed onto the platform, amid cheers, there was a pause for a flashlight photograph, and then Mr Bosanquet welcomed Viscount Grey on his return to the constituency from which he had been taken during the war, assuring him that their love and pride and confidence in him were unabated. A rapturous welcome greeted Viscount Grey when he rose. There was a marked improvement in his appearance since he last spoke in Berwick at the War Memorial Meeting. He was more vigorous in his gestures, and had much less difficulty in referring to his notes, which were brief. At one point he was speaking with uplifted arm, and there was another disturbing flash from the camera, which should never have been allowed. We give below a full report of the speech. There was no lack of ability in the Government, he said, but great ability was combined with extreme instability of policy, which had shaken the confidence of people both at home and abroad. We saw it in their treatment of Russia, Mesopotamia, the French Government and the Labour Party, with whom they had played fast and loose over Nationalisation. His most important remarks were on Ireland, and it is a pity that they were not made months ago. We should clear our minds, he said, of sentiment and gush and face the facts of the situation, instead of pretending to be generous after our policy of reprisals had failed. His only reservation to admitting Ireland as a full partner to Dominion partnership was that the naval defence of both islands should be under one naval authority. His last topic was unemployment, and the only permanent remedy in his opinion was good trade. Nationalisation was not the remedy but labour should have its share in the management of industry- an important admission. The speech was well received. There was silence while Lord Grey spoke of nationalisation, loud applause when he said that time had shown the South Africans that in negotiating with them we had been speaking in good faith and that what we had promised had come true. References to Mr Gladstone and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman were also cheered. Indeed one felt that at the back of Viscount’s Grey’s mind was the thought of what a difference it would have made if Home Rule had been accepted, as it was first offered by the great leaders he had a served under.

TWEEDMOUTH RATEPAYERS’ MEETING

In the absence of Alderman Elder, Councillor Brewis presided over a large and orderly meeting of Tweedmouth ratepayers in the Mitchell memorial Hall on Wednesday night. Supporting him were Councillor Watt, Mr T. Douglas, Mr D. Watson, Mr Eales, and Mr Bradford. Apologies were sent by Councillor Lockhart and Mr Trainer.

Councillor Brewis, in his opening address, touched on various topics. With regards to the Glasgow Steel Company he thought the non-Freemen were wrong in commencing their activities when the negotiations with the Council were at a critical stage. He thought it was only when the Company saw that the Freemen and non-Freemen could not agree among themselves that they decided to go elsewhere. He could assure any industrial company that wanted to establish themselves in their neighbourhood that Tweedmouth could supply them with a site and equal railway facilities.

The opening of the housing scheme on Monday was a great event for Tweedmouth. The cost to Tweedmouth was a penny in the pound, and the income taxpayers in the country found the rest. They welcomed the new residents. Unfortunately they would not see the whole scheme carried out; in fact, full consent had not yet been obtained for the present addition of twenty-four.