A TALE OF TWO EMIGRANTS

During the late 19th century Berwick Police Force received posters from all over the country looking for criminals, missing persons and stolen goods. These two posters in bundle 2 (BA/C/PO/15/2)  show that behind each poster there is a story not necessarily about the incident but about the individuals.

REF: BA/C/PO/15/2/155

This poster is very striking, a young boy, aged 12 who was missing from his home in Newport on Tay near Dundee.  Who was John Doctor, what do we know about him before his disappearance in 1895 and what happened to him ? The poster includes a lovely line drawing of John and a detailed description – his appearance and clothing . From this he appears to be from an affluent family and  well educated.   

On checking the 1891 census, John Doctor, born c 1884 was the son of William F Doctor, a jute merchant and his wife, Jane. They lived  at Ashleigh in Forgan parish near Dundee with John’s younger sister, Jane, aged 3 and two servants – a definite sign that the family were well off. His parents had married in 1882.

The poster indicates that there was no apparent reason for John’s disappearance on 20th May and the family and police must have been concerned to send this out to various police forces on 22nd May. The Berwick Police Force acted upon it as it is annotated “Enquiries Made RT [Robert Tough]” – one of Berwick’s Policemen. Despite searching through the online newspapers, I have been unable to find any reference to John’s disappearance. He must have returned home at some stage because he appears on the 1901 census, now aged 17 as a Mercantile Clerk living his father, sister and a servant at Tayview Terrace in Forgan. His mother isn’t listed which may indicate that she had died.

By the next year 1902, John Doctor had married Jane Irvine in Glasgow. I struggled to find the couple in the 1911 Scottish census. The trail had gone cold but quite by chance I found electoral register entries for John in Dundee and also an entry in 1922 indicating a connection with Moor Law in Canada. I thought John must have emigrated around then but a search of the 1911 census in Canada picked him up living in Moose Jaw City in Saskatchewan. He was there with his wife, Christina, daughter Janet, born in Scotland in 1905 and two further children – James (1907) and Caroline  (1909), both born in Canada which suggests they arrived in Canada between 1905 and 1907. I can’t find much more on the family – John and his three children sailed from Canada to Glasgow in 1919 – did they come home to visit relatives ? – but after that the trail goes cold. So what happened to him – did the family go back to Canada, had his wife died ?  Always more questions than answers.

BA/C/PO/15/2/73

The second item isn’t a poster but a letter, dated 7 September 1885 from John W Logan of Tweedside Works to the Superintendent of Berwick Police requesting his assistance. It reads

Dear Sir,

I have again to complain of damages being done to Windows in my Works. 12 Panes of glass having been broken between Saturday night & Monday morning. I shall be glad if you can arrange to keep a look out & stop such in future

John Walker Logan was born in Berwick in 1850, the first son of David and Isabella Logan. His father was a corn merchant and the family lived in Hide Hill. John had an interest in machinery and must have served an apprenticeship. In 1871 he is described in the census as a former engine builder and in 1890 he became a member of the Institution of Mechanical Engineers. In the 1870s he went into partnership with William Elder and ran the business, Logan and Elder in Berwick. However by February 1880, this partnership was dissolved and both started their own businesses as agricultural implement makers in Berwick. John Logan operated the Tweedside Works, based in Tweedmouth which made various implements. He carried on this business until 1888 when he emigrated to South Africa to work as an engineer. There is an advert in the local newspaper in October 1887 giving notice of a sale of the equipment in the Tweedside Works. He appears to have initially worked in Johannesburg but by the start of the Boer War, he had moved to Cape Town where he sadly died on 17th March 1901. An entry in the Berwickshire News on 26 March 1901 read “ At Cape Town, March 17, of typhoid fever, John Walker Logan, engineer, formerly of Berwick. “. Another entry in the paper gave some additional information –  The death is announced in South Africa of Mr John W Logan, eldest son of Mr David Logan, JP, the Avenue, Berwick, formerly of Brow of the Hill Farm. This is the second son of Mr Logan’s who dies buried in the Colony.

I haven’t been able to find anything about John’s time in South Africa. Did he marry over there, why did he go and was his brother killed in the Boer War ?

These are the stories behind just two of the items in this bundle of police posters. If you can tell us more about any of the incidents mentioned in BA/C/PO/15/2, please do get in touch. To find the entries for all the posters in this bundle in our electronic catalogue, enter BA/C/PO/15/2* in the search field – https://calmview.northumberland.gov.uk/ . Happy browsing !

Trading with America – Business (Mis)fortunes in 18th-Century Newcastle

This blog was written by Emily Rowe, a PHD student engaged on the ‘Northern Bridge – Carr-Ellison Project’. The aim of the project is to explore the records and histories of international trade and maritime transnational links between north-east England and the wider world through the records of Cotesworth, Carr and Ellison families held at Northumberland Archives and Tyne & Wear Archives.

“…a Merchant has the most anxious time which can never be lessened while he thinks it worth following…[I] often had the Mortification of seeing the very best concerted plans Overturned by a Variety of Untoward Accidents”

– Ralph Carr

Ralph Carr (1711-1806) was a successful businessman in eighteenth-century Newcastle-upon-Tyne. He was a merchant adventurer, exporting local resources such as corn and coal, and dealing with commodities from iron and timber to wine and whale-oil. He had contacts all over Northern Europe, with his mercantile activities stretching from Amsterdam to St Petersburg. Around 1750, Ralph Carr extended his reach even further as he began to trade with New York and Boston.

Carr’s Atlantic dealings likely started off as a favour. He had merchant friends in Amsterdam looking for a convenient route through British customs. Cargo from Europe to America needed to stop in Britain and pay taxes. Ralph Carr facilitated this for his Dutch friends and filled the boats with ballast – heavy cargo such as grindstones and coal that provided stability for the ship to make its long journey east. Carr’s profit from this agreement was small…so he began to try to sell goods of his own to the American merchants.

In a 1750 letter to a Boston merchant, a copy of which is at Northumberland Archives, Carr tries to convince the merchant to purchase goods from the north-east:

‘We have many articles than answer well with you, & yearly ship great quantities for my friends in Boston and all parts of America as they are cheaper here than in any part of England…Lead, Shott, sheet Lead, Grindstones…& every sort of Glassware & Earthenwares…Cloth, Blanketts, Rugs, & all kings of Woolen Goods, we have also bought.”

Carr sent many letters of this sort to his contacts in America. He stressed the variety of goods the North of England had to offer and promised that they came cheaper than anywhere else in England and Europe. But the response was disappointing. American merchants were not interested in most of the goods Carr offered them – they only wanted cheap ballast and sometimes earthenware. One Boston merchant did put in some orders for glassware, lead, and linens, but never paid Carr and the dispute went on for years. Carr wrote to the merchant in 1752:

“I am really quite tired out with writing to you year after year upon this same disagreeable subject and am sorry for your repeated promises which only pass for words of course, however, I shall wait until the Fall for their accomplishment and no longer.”

Despite his many successes as a merchant, Carr was never able to crack the American market. Lack of interest in his wares and caution on Carr’s side over selling to Americans on credit rather than cash meant that despite his connections, Carr’s dealings with American trade were frustrating and had very modest profits. In a 1756 letter, Carr wrote to two New York merchants, “I absolutely refused to be concern’d with any ships [to New York] save such as Enter’d every pennyworth of their goods fairly and above board”. By 1765, however, the Newcastle-America trade came to a grinding halt when the British government demanded bonds of £2000 from all merchants trading with America and the Newcastle merchants refused to comply. British-imposed taxes on shipped goods to and from America were a source of growing resentment on both sides and the escalation of these frustrations, just twenty years after Carr attempted to trade with Boston, led to the Boston Tea Party and the American War of Independence.

Sources

Digital copy of portrait of Ralph Carr, Northumberland Archives, ref: ZCE/F/4/1/2/9.

Copy letter from Ralph Carr, Newcastle upon Tyne, to Benjamin Tenouil Esq. [at Boston, America] (1750), Northumberland Archives, ref: ZCE/E/3/5/1/14/1033.

Note by Ralph Carr, Newcastle upon Tyne, to William Fletcher [at Boston, America] (1752), Northumberland Archives, ref: ZCE/E/3/5/1/14/1133.

Copy letter from Ralph Carr & Co., Newcastle upon Tyne, to Messrs Philip and John Livingston and David Provost [at New York, America] (1756), ZCE/E/3/5/1/14/1214.

A. W. Purdue, Merchants and Gentry in North-East England 1650-1830: The Carrs and the Ellisons (University of Sunderland Press, 1999), pp. 141-86.

William I. Roberts, III, ‘Ralph Carr: A Newcastle Merchant and the American Colonial Trade’, The Business History Review, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Autumn, 1968), pp. 271-287

Hannah Glasse

This blog was written by Fiona Ellis, a local freelance writer. Fiona was commissioned by Northumberland Archives and November Club, a local award-winning performance arts charity, to write a script for a short film featuring the character of Hannah Glasse, an 18th century cook with Northumberland connections. The film was inspired by the content of one of Hannah Glasse’s letters found amongst the Allgood MSS (ref: ZAL) held by Northumberland Archives. The film will be launched on our website in April 2021. Fiona’s blog tells of Hannah’s eventful life. 

If you were asked to name the most successful cookery writer of all time, the chances are you might mention Jamie Oliver or Nigella Lawson. Perhaps the more historically minded would say Escoffier or Brillat Savarin or even Apicius. But you would all be wrong. The answer lies much closer to home.  

Among the treasures in the Northumberland Archives are a few precious letters and documents gifted by the Allgood family. They contain much of the story of the real ‘most successful cookery writer of all time’. That they are not better known is an illustration of how easy it is for extraordinary figures to disappear – especially if they are women.  

The story begins with Isaac Allgood (1683-1725), a Northumbrian landowner with an estate near Hexham. He improved on an already comfortable fortune by marrying the daughter of a London wine merchant. We know little about her but she must have been a very tolerant wife for, not long after her marriage, she took into her household Isaac’s infant daughter by his long-term mistress Hannah Reynolds. This child, also called Hannah, was to become our lost Northumbrian heroine. 

Young Hannah was born in London in 1708 but brought up and educated near Hexham at the Allgood family estate. She appears to have been raised as a full member of the family and had close relationships with her half-brother Lancelot Allgood and various Allgood aunts and uncles. She certainly saw herself as an Allgood to the extent that she repudiated her natural mother, dismissed in an Archive document as a ‘wicked wretch’. 

At sixteen Hannah was back in London in the care of her grandmother. Apparently, the grandmother was quite strict and Hannah rather spirited. However, despite firm supervision, Hannah managed to meet and then secretly marry John Glasse, a subaltern not then in service, a widower and older than Hannah by some margin. Furious Allgood letter writers paint him as an aged fortune hunter. But Hannah is clearly bedazzled by him, protesting in her letters that although he has but little fortune he has talents that will secure him a good living in time. John too wrote to the family contesting their views about him. His letters demonstrate his own high opinion of himself.  

Although it took some years for the family to forgive Hannah for her secret and, in their eyes, rash marriage, eventually the correspondence shows a rapprochement. They did, however, retain a wariness about John. 

Hannah’s continued attachment to her Northumbrian family is clear from her letters from Essex and then London where she and John lived. She often sent gifts or procured goods at their request. She writes of nuts and quilts and all manner of items to be sent by cart. The family in turn provided a small annuity though they were careful to dedicate it to her use and not to allow John Glasse to have a claim on it.  

Thus far there is nothing special or heroic about this headstrong young woman with her unsatisfactory husband and, soon enough, a large brood of children. What distinguishes Hannah is what she did to make up for John’s frequently inventive but always disastrous business ventures. 

Hannah applied energy and imagination to a series of undertakings with admittedly mixed success. The foremost of these, and the enterprise for which she should be remembered, was her cookbook: ‘The Art of Cookery Made Plain and Easy, Which far exceeds any Thing of the Kind ever yet Printed’. The first edition was published in 1747 under the sobriquet ‘A Lady’ and was an immediate success. 

Let us for the moment gloss over the sadder parts of Hannah’s entrepreneurial history, the highly successful (until it was not) habit-making shop patronised by the Prince of Wales et al., the attempt at promoting Daffy’s Elixir as a panacea, the spells of bankruptcy and incarceration in debtors’ prison. Her business acumen definitely had holes in it. However, in creating her cookbook she showed true flair. 

The Allgood letters help us reconstruct the story. Hannah writes to her Northumberland relatives announcing her intentions of making a book, asking for recipes, and soliciting subscriptions. A first publication like hers needed subscribers – a sort of crowd funding of its time – to succeed. Her family supported her as did others often from quite distinguished households. 

In the foreword to her book she explains how she spotted a gap in the cookbook market for something quite basic – a proto-Delia’s How to Cook perhaps. Her keen eye saw the floundering new middle classes unable to instruct their servants, and those servants unable to understand fancy French cookbooks and methods. Hannah’s offer was simplicity. She factored in the limited education, equipment and indeed funds available to these households. She adapted fashionable French recipes explaining in detail how to prepare and anglicise them. She promoted seasonality and use of local produce; the wars and tensions that impeded imports from Europe were, even then, a feature of her letters.  

She had considerable marketing ability – she sold her book in the premises of high-class suppliers of tableware establishing it as a necessity for the affluent household. It became the most used and referenced cookbook of its time not only in England but in the Americas and throughout the English-speaking world. 

Alas, her story does not end well. Whether through her own financial failings or John’s posthumous debts, she was forced to sell the copyright of her book less than ten years after its first publication. She watched as future editions – thirty or more of them – made money for others. To add to her misery these later editions carried her name where their predecessors had been anonymous.  

Hannah died in 1770 in Newcastle. A notice in the London Gazette merely notes the death of Sir Laurence Allgood’s sister.  

Hannah’s fan club includes historic figures like George Washington and Benjamin Franklin as well as Clarissa Dickson Wright, who called her ‘the first domestic goddess’. But where is her memorial? Where indeed! 

 www.novemberclub.org.uk